August 5, 2008

Interview: ‘I cringed when they compared me to Martin Luther’ | Books | The Observer

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 6:31 am

 

She’s a Canadian feminist Muslim whose book The Trouble With Islam Today has become an international bestseller, but is banned throughout the Middle East. A fierce critic of her religion, she lives behind bulletproof glass. Geraldine Bedell meets the woman being compared to Martin Luther.

  • Sunday August 3 2008

Irshad Manji

Canadian Feminist Muslim Irshad Manji. Photograph: Andrew Testa

She is a lesbian feminist Muslim whose ambition is nothing less than to reform Islam. She has been compared by the New York Times to Martin Luther; by others to Alexander Solzhenitsyn, Salman Rushdie, Gloria Steinem and Betty Friedan and, when I met her, casually, by herself, to Vaclav Havel.

Irshad Manji, a spiky-haired, opinionated, mouthy Canadian Muslim, lives in New York behind bulletproof glass and doesn’t use a mobile phone because it would make finding her too easy. She has a lot of enemies: her book, The Trouble With Islam Today, is banned across much of the Middle East. But it is also a bestseller in many countries, including the US, and has been downloaded in its Arabic, Farsi and Urdu translations more than half-a-million times. In the last couple of weeks, she has been in Washington advising Democrats on Capitol Hill about a potential Obama administration’s policy towards the Muslim world and reminding the National Organisation for Women to speak out against human-rights abuses perpetrated under cover of religion. Her recent documentary, Faith Without Fear, has just been nominated for an Emmy.

I meet her at her office at New York University in downtown Manhattan, where she has recently become a professor. Manji is slight, dynamic and blazingly articulate, the words pouring out in a stream of rhetorical tropes for two-and-a-half hours. I feel like I’m at a public meeting.

What she has to say - that Islam has become calcified and that in its name millions of people around the world are being denied human rights - is offensive to many and troubling even to progressive Muslims and non-Muslims who agree with her but wouldn’t say so out loud, for fear of provoking what she calls the beards and the veils. She can’t seem to move without annoying someone; she is also loathed by those ghastly, blogging Christians who prefer Muslims to be the enemy and think they should be converted or stay in their ‘own’ countries.

Where has she got it from, this nice-looking, petite girl (she was born in 1968 but appears much younger) from suburban Vancouver? How did she get the nerve to become one of the leading voices demanding reform of one of the world’s great religions, at a time when Islam has become so controversial?

Irshad Manji arrived in Canada at the age of four as a refugee from Idi Amin’s Uganda. One night, when she was 10, her father chased her through the house with a kitchen knife after she threatened to report him to the police and social services for his violence towards her mother. Hiding on the roof, out of reach, she had an epiphany - or that’s how she tells it now: ‘I realised I was grateful because there were people I could go to, talk to, whereas if we’d still been in East Africa that may not have been the case. I realised I lived in a society where the story of who we are as a people was not finished, which meant that I, as an individual, mattered. I could be a partial author of this grander story.’

Aged 14, she was thrown out of the madrassa, her religious Saturday school, for asking too many questions. Why couldn’t girls lead prayers? Why couldn’t they read the Koran in a language she could understand? What was this Jewish conspiracy they kept going on about?

She could easily have walked away, but with typical pugnacity she refused to give up on her religion. In her book, she makes a rational case for the role of religion in her life. Her faith is in tension with the materialism of the modern world, she says; religion encourages her to keep thinking, ‘to avoid lapsing into a fundamentalism of my own, be it feminist, nationalist or multiculturalist. Religion has compelled me to bow to no one but the God dwelling restlessly in my conscience, a precious skill to develop in an era of boundless spin’.

She read up on Islam at her local public library but otherwise got on with growing up, studying the history of ideas at the University of British Columbia, from which she emerged with the governor general’s medal as top humanities graduate. She worked for a feminist politician, on the editorial board of a newspaper, and then in television, both as presenter and producer of a programme called Queer TV. She met her first girlfriend in her twenties, came out to her mother a few weeks later and has been an out lesbian ever since.

She prefers not to think that her sexuality, deplored by most Muslim religious leaders, or her childhood, with a father who believed abuse of his wife and three daughters was sanctioned by culture and religion, were determining factors in her desire to reconfigure Islam. She would much rather see that as the logical conclusion of rational thought.

‘There will always be people who assume that my trouble with Islam has to do with my childhood,’ she says with ferocity. ‘Nothing could be further from the truth. People who say that give my experiences too much power. The fact that in the last 100 years more Muslims have been tortured and maimed in the name of Islam than by any other people - can that be laid at the feet of my childhood?’

Her parents eventually divorced, some seven years after the knife incident, and Manji has not seen her father since. ‘There was a time, years ago, when I hated my father because of the abuse to which he subjected us, but I didn’t want to hate him for the rest of my life. I made a decision to keep a critical distance from him, so as to develop a measure of indifference and perhaps, eventually, empathy.’

As for her sexuality, it seems absurd, to me at least, that it wouldn’t have sensitised her to the contradictions in religion. (She acknowledges that she wondered quite early why if God has made everything excellent, as it says in the Koran, but hates gays, he had allowed her to be born lesbian.) But she is keen to downplay its influence on her work. ‘There are bigger issues here, and I don’t make a big deal, much to the consternation of many gays and lesbians, of being gay and a Muslim. It’s not very interesting to me, because I haven’t achieved it.’

She believes Islam needs to revive its tradition of critical thinking, ijtihad, if it is to avoid what she sees as its current fate of ossification and glorification of its founding moment in the 7th century. (Some Muslim scholars dispute that ijtihad was ever the wide-ranging, inquiring tradition of intellectual ferment that Manji maintains, arguing that it was a narrower, more legalistic issue. She dismisses this interpretation as restricting and self-serving. But whatever the details of scholarly debate, they obviously do not invalidate her point that Islam needs to find a way of accommodating itself to the 21st century.)

The moment Manji identifies as revelatory came when she was working at a religious television station and her (Jewish) boss placed a newspaper cutting on her desk. The cutting concerned a young woman in northern Nigeria who had been sentenced by a sharia court to 180 lashes, even though she had rounded up seven male witnesses to testify that she had been raped. ‘Irshad,’ her boss scribbled in the margin, ‘one of these days you’ll tell me how you reconcile this kind of insanity, and female genital mutilation, with your Muslim faith.’

She recalls being initially offended by the question, but also gradually realising that, in asking it, her boss had been showing respect for her maturity and intelligence. Feeling offended, she observes, is not the same thing as being discriminated against. This seemed to her to lead to some rather topsy-turvy situations. If, she says, she were to ask similar difficult questions of her fellow Muslims - to treat them as adults, rather than as over-sensitive potential terrorists - she would be accused of racism or of being a self-hating Muslim.

She started asking the questions anyway, first in her book, then on her website, where she launched Project Ijtihad, ‘which exists to create the largest network in the world - sorry, let me be more humble - which hopes to create the largest network in the world of reform-minded Muslims and non-Muslim allies who come from a human-rights perspective, rather than an anti-terrorist perspective’.

Humility, you suspect, doesn’t come that easily. When I ask about the comparison in the New York Times to Martin Luther, she says: ‘I rolled my eyes at that; I cringed.’ But this turns out not to be because of the aggrandisement involved in being bracketed with the founder of the Reformation, but, ‘because here I was under the impression that people like me are seeking to update Islamic interpretations for the 21st century, not the 16th’.

She has received many death threats, some histrionic, a few serious. ‘I acknowledge the fact that I can’t use a mobile phone, because GPS technology makes it very easy for ill-wishers to track you down and do you harm. I usually have security at my events. But I live as if I can’t be paying attention to any of that. If I were to be offed tomorrow, I would have no regrets. That doesn’t mean I cruise for a fatwa, but Vaclav Havel in his own time of dissent in eastern Europe liked to say that he had to live as if he were permitted to express himself fully. He had to compartmentalise the fact that he was under threat.’

She admits that the constraints that follow death threats made life difficult for her former partner. ‘I’m single at the moment, but when Michelle and I were together, it was hard for her. She adapted to it, I have to say, with great strength. What broke us up eventually wasn’t that; it was my 24/7, away-from-home life. I had to make a choice between my relationship and this mission and I know, frankly, what I’ve been put on this earth to do. I don’t mean to sound like a diva when I say that. I truly believe that each one of us has a calling and even if my work goes down as a mere footnote in the history of the real reformers who come after me, that’s fine.’

Manji remains close to her mother, although you get the impression it’s a needling, nettling relationship. When she told her mother she was writing the book, her mother said: ‘I’m just going to ask you one thing, please do not anger God.’ ‘I respectfully reminded her that angering mullahs and imams and Muslim political lobbyists does not necessarily mean angering God. She did not buy the argument at all. My mother, my hero, my role model: she wasn’t and she still isn’t.’

Once the book came out, her mother was forced to endure a sermon at her mosque in which the imam claimed that Manji was worse than Osama bin Laden. ‘And you know why? Because apparently my book had caused more debate among Muslims than al-Qaeda’s terrorism! What does that say about us?’ Other worshippers reassured her mother afterwards that Manji was saying what needed to be said. ‘And she finally saw this for the first time. And I said, “You know, what, Mom? I’m thrilled that you’ve come to this conclusion. I’m only sorry that you needed social approval to see this.”‘

Ouch. There is no denying, though, that Manji is right about the paradoxes of multiculturalism. When it comes to Islam, it often seems to be easier (and not only for Muslims) to attack freedom of expression than defend it. It is shocking that in pluralistic societies there are young people at her events ‘who are there to heckle, to denounce, not just me as a human being, but the very idea of pluralism. There are very rarely those who will take them on. They come up to me afterwards and whisper, “Thank you”‘.

‘At a well-known university in the Boston area recently - I won’t say which - I noticed there were fewer people in the audience than I would have expected. I asked some girls about it afterwards and they said an email had gone round that afternoon to all the Muslim students saying “If you are caught at that bitch’s lecture you will pay the price.” This from a university in America.’

Where Manji is not right, at least for me, is blaming the Arab world, in throwing a blanket of accusation over what she calls ‘desert Islam’. While the influence of Saudi money and Wahhabi sectarianism on madrassas worldwide is well-documented, her glib dismissal of the Arab world doesn’t allow for its complexities or the amount of subtle, liberal, reformist thinking going on even within its ruling regimes. When I try to talk to her about the Gulf, where I lived for five years, she counters with an email she’s had from a young man in Egypt, which is a bit like answering a question about Scotland by talking about Russia.

Not all tribalism, or villageism, is the fault of Arabia. Manji has found a convenient scapegoat here and she doesn’t seem to be too bothered how she uses it. At one point, she tells me that the United Arab Emirates ‘markets itself as the Las Vegas of the Arab world’. This is so laughably untrue that it’s difficult to know how to respond: Dubai might, arguably, be seen as a kind of Las Vegas, although it pretends not to be, but the other six states that make up the UAE have no desire to be any such thing.

I was hoping that this apparent bias was a function of her book’s direct, almost tabloid style. She wanted, she says, to have a conversation with readers, not engage in a theological dispute with scholars. But it is also evident in person, where she speaks like the learned woman she is.

There is, though, no doubt that she is generating a debate that needs to be had, nor that many of her insights about the West’s multicultural muddles are humiliatingly acute. She comes across as messianic, prickly, monomaniacal. But what she is attempting - ‘To capture the experiences of those Muslims who have not felt permission to voice their lives, to develop their voices’ - is audacious. It does take an extraordinary person to change history or even to try.

Road to reform

Born Uganda, 1968. Her family emigrated to Canada when she was four. Studied the history of ideas at the University of British Columbia (and gained the top humanities degree in her year).

Work
· Came to prominence in Canada with a regular slot on a television current affairs programme.
· Producer and presenter of Queer TV for Toronto-based Citytv.
· Published The Trouble with Islam Today in 2004.
· Established Project Ijtihad, to create a network of reform-minded Muslims and allies.
· Winner of Oprah Winfrey’s first annual Chutzpah Award for ‘audacity, nerve, boldness and conviction’.
· Set up the Moral Courage Project, January 2008, to extend the critiques of Project Ijtihad to other groups.
· PBS documentary Faith Without Fear nominated for an Emmy

Interview: ‘I cringed when they compared me to Martin Luther’ | Books | The Observer

How Karadzic stirred global Islamic terror | Robin Harris - Times Online

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 6:29 am

 

The genocide in Bosnia in the early 1990s opened the door to al-Qaeda and bin Laden

Robin Harris

Radovan Karadzic’s demeanour at The Hague is unlikely to satisfy his remaining admirers. A fantasist who entertained ideas above his station, he will be easily broken by the prosecution. Yet if Karadzic, the poetaster and quack healer, seems absurd, the ideology that he embodied was serious enough to have catastrophic and continuing effects.

Western diplomats and soldiers preferred to ignore the nature of the Greater Serbian programme that Karadzic and his colleagues implemented in the early 1990s. The reason is simple: that programme was manifestly and inherently genocidal. Had this been acknowledged, the agreed international strategy of neutrality would have been unsustainable. The principal intended victims of the programme were Bosnian Muslims. In the eyes of Serb propagandists, the Muslim population of Bosnia was doubly contemptible, both for their religion and because they were historically seen as renegade Serbs. Karadzic’s deputy and then successor, Biljana Plavsic, has explained: “It was genetically deformed material [among the Serbs] that embraced Islam. And now, of course,” she lamented, “with each successive generation, this gene simply becomes concentrated. It gets worse and worse…” But a well-crafted final solution was at hand, and 100,000 Muslims paid the price of such “deformity” with their lives.

The attack on Bosnia’s Muslims was thus also an attack on Islam, involving, for example, the wholesale systematic destruction of mosques. Indeed, Karadzic presented his policy in these terms. He urged the West to overlook Serb atrocities - which, at the same time, he denied - because his troops were defending Western interests. “It is amazing,” he protested, “that the US is aiding and abetting militant Islam.” This at the time was a lie. Bosnia’s Muslims were not militants. They were by long tradition a brandy-swigging, pork-eating, easy-going Slavic people of very moderate religiosity. Yet through Karadzic’s own actions the lie threatens to become self-fulfilling.

The early 1990s were formative in the rise of global Islamic terrorism, including what would be al-Qaeda, and Bosnia was central to this. In despair, the largely Muslim Sarajevo Government turned for support to Islamic groups and countries. Money and arms poured in - from among others, it seems, Osama bin Laden. There also arrived several thousand mujahideen, initially from Iran and Afghanistan, later from North Africa and the Middle East.

Distinguished by their bloodthirsty tactics rather than their military effectiveness, these foreign recruits were employed first against the Serbs and then against the Croats of central Bosnia in 1993, after the two former allies fell out. Their numerous crimes are still coming to light.

In different ways, both Karadzic and bin Laden now share an interest in propagating the idea that the wars in former Yugoslavia represented a titanic clash of civilisations. In the event, matters turned out somewhat differently. It was the intervention of America, the world’s most explicitly Christian power, which in 1995 saved Bosnia. And in the Islamic world it was Turkey, the most explicitly secular Muslim-majority state, not the ayatollahs and jihadists, which did most to secure respect for Bosnia’s statehood.

Karadzic’s legacy is likely to prove more lasting than his poetry. The ethnically cleansed Bosnian Serb mini-state that he created has no plans to let non-Serbs back or to give up its aspiration to join Serbia. Of still greater moment, the Islamic reaction to Serb genocide will continue to complicate the West’s defence against terrorism.

After the Dayton Accords, which in 1995 brought an end to the fighting - and to Karadzic’s career - foreign mujahideen were meant to leave. But having obtained Bosnian citizenship, most eluded the requirement. Under US pressure, some of the most suspect were later removed, but many have stayed. Islamist hopes of a quick conversion of Bosnia’s Muslims to extremism have so far been frustrated. But the conditions exist for it.

Huge sums of Saudi money have financed the building of new mosques, many of whose future imams are receiving training abroad, subject to radicalising Wahhabist influences. Within Bosnia, a network of foreign-based Islamic relief and educational foundations, charities and NGOs operates in the social space left by ineffective, corrupt government. Elsewhere, these have proved conducive for Islamist extremism and al-Qaeda. In any case, it is not necessary for most Bosnian Muslims to radicalise in order for Bosnia to become a base or gateway for terrorists.

This matters. With Croatia due to join the European Union in 2010, and with Serbia now likely to be offered early membership too, it is hard to see Bosnia being left behind in the rush. But the same European governments that watched as anti-Muslim fanatics destroyed the old Bosnia will now have to stop Islamist fanatics from turning the new one into a threat to the West.

Robin Harris is consultant director of Politeia and a former prime ministerial adviser to Margaret Thatcher

How Karadzic stirred global Islamic terror | Robin Harris - Times Online

Dispatches from the Culture Wars: Obama is a Muslim and Other Idiocies

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 6:28 am

 

Back once again to the perpetually ridiculous Ilana Mercer (yes, the same Ilana Mercer who once blathered on about the “Randian majesty of sex”) at the Worldnutdaily. This time she’s peddling the incredibly tired bullshit that Obama is a Muslim. And doing so with bizarre reasoning like this:

When Barack Obama looked Americans in the metaphoric eye and told them he was not and was never a Muslim, he had, admittedly, been worshipping at the Trinity United Church of Christ for 20-odd years. So we know for certain that he is not a Christian.

He’s attended a Christian church for 20 years, so we know for certain he’s not a Christian? Did she really write that with a straight face? Oh, I’m sure she meant that the UCC isn’t “real” Christianity, but that’s the kind of moronic bleatings we’re used to hearing from religious right ignorami, not from self-proclaimed “libertarians” like Mercer. Sadly, her reasoning doesn’t get any better:

You see, despite what the babes in nosebags say about Islam’s great deference to women, in Islam, the father’s faith determines that of the child. It’s the opposite in Judaism. In their sagacity, Jewish scholars had ruled that the mother’s faith would decide the child’s. The idea was “to link the child inseparably to the mother.”

For seriously investigating the Muslim matter, Daniel Pipes, a scholar of the Middle East and Islam, has endured many swipes. Nevertheless, Dr. Pipes’ points obtain. Obama’s patrilineal ties to Islam - Muslim father and grandfather - make him a Muslim by birth.

Any rational person knows that you cannot be any religion “by birth.” Religion is a belief and you do not come into the world with beliefs. No one is born a Christian or a Jew, a Republican or a Democrat. Anyone who thinks otherwise is a moron, plain and simple. Other Muslims may think he’s a Muslim merely because his father was; is Mercer endorsing that stupid idea? Funny how those who want so badly to paint Obama as a Muslim have to accept the absurd premises of the religion they are criticizing in order to do so.

And never mind, by the way, that Obama’s father, while raised Muslim, was actually an atheist by the time he met Obama’s mother. So why aren’t they claiming that he’s really an atheist? Because Muslims are scarier than atheists at the moment.

More material, from the fact that Obama has never been a practicing Muslim, it doesn’t follow that he was not a Muslim by birth. I can’t renounce my Judaism because I’m irreligious, now can I? For truth’s sake, Obama ought to have said this: “I was a Muslim by accident of birth. No more.”

Well yes, you can renounce your Judaism if you’re not religious. People do it all the time. Other Jews may still continue to think they’re Jewish because their mother was Jewish, but that doesn’t make it so.

Christian doctrine decrees that embracing Jesus Christ as personal savior is the only road to redemption. Jesus said, “I am the way and the truth and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me.” Obama disagrees. He, the Holy Son, says: “There are many paths to the same place.” Is that Christianity? Apparently so in post-Christian America.

Guess what, Ilana? Most Christians agree with him, according to a recent survey. Yes, this IS a large subset of modern Christianity. The fact that you don’t like it doesn’t make it disappear.

Dispatches from the Culture Wars: Obama is a Muslim and Other Idiocies