August 31, 2008

Chinese Muslim Zeng He discovered America before Columbus « RUPEE NEWS: Recording History, Narrating Archives, Strategic Vision, Profound Analysis, Unique ideas

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 4:09 am

 

Admiral Zeng He a Chinese Muslim admiral sailed and found America before Columbus”…On the 8th of March, 1421, the largest fleet the world had ever seen sailed from its base in China. The ships, huge junks nearly five hundred feet long and built from the finest teak, were under the command of Emperor Zhu Di’s loyal eunuch admirals. Their mission was ‘to proceed all the way to the end of the earth to collect tribute from the barbarians beyond the seas’ and unite the whole world in Confucian harmony. The journey would last over two years and circle the globe.

7th Century Islamic inscriptions on Nevada rocks
7th-century-rock-inscriptions-with-kalima-in-nevada4b1

Cherokee Muslims wore Mali headgear and their script is based on Arabic
Cherokee-Muslims

When they returned Zhu Di lost control and China was beginning its long, self-imposed isolation from the world it had so recently embraced. The great ships rotted at their moorings and the records of their journeys were destroyed. Lost was the knowledge that Chinese ships had reached America seventy years before Columbus and circumnavigated the globe a century before Magellan. They had also discovered Antarctica, reached Australia three hundred and fifty years before Cook and solved the problem of longitude three hundred years before the Europeans…”

http://wapedia.mobi/en/Zheng_He?t=2.

Great Moments in World Trade: The Fall of China’s Treasure Fleet by Jeremy N. Smith
March 31, 2008

Prince Zhu Di stormed the Chinese Imperial Palace and occupied its throne by force on a July day in 1402. As his first order of business, the new emperor executed hundreds of Confucian officials considered loyal to his sibling predecessor and thus launched a boom in trade.
Confucians had argued domestic agriculture alone must supply the Chinese economy. Now, private trade was permitted to Chinese citizens and port access granted to foreign merchants. “All within the four seas are one family,” Zhu Di said. “Let there be mutual trade at frontier barriers in order to supply the country’s needs and to encourage distant people to come.”

Unprecedented construction began on 1,700 oceangoing warships and support vessels. The largest of the fleet-so-called “treasure ships”-required nine masts and spanned 400-by-160 feet. Christopher Columbus’s Santa Maria would stretch only eighty-five feet. In fact, until World War I, the early-fifteenth-century Chinese armada was by far the most impressive the world had ever known. Its total crew numbered nearly 30,000. Their commander was eunuch Zheng He.

To be a eunuch was an invitation to power in fourteenth and fifteenth century China. Outside the Imperial Palace these men specialized in seafaring and trade. The most successful grew as rich as royalty. None would merit more than Zheng He.

Over the next three decades, the Treasure Fleet crossed the China Seas and India Ocean seven times, reaching the Persian Gulf, Africa, and, some claim, North America. From South Asia, ships carried home cardamom and cinnamon, ginger and turmeric, pepper and pearls. From present-day Sri Lanka and Malaysia came elephants, tigers, leopards, rare birds, and relics. In east Africa, Chinese silk and porcelain were traded for ivory, medicine, and precious stones.

“Half the world was in China’s grasp, and with such a formidable navy the other half was easily within reach, had China wanted it,” writes Louise Levathes, author of When China Ruled the Seas. “China could have become the great colonial power, a hundred years before the great age of European exploration and expansion.”

China declined. Zhu Di considered himself all-powerful and his country-the Middle Kingdom-divinely chosen. Foreign goods were welcomed. But make the barbarians themselves his subjects? Never.
What happened next is an enduring lesson in the consequences when trade is driven by politics, not commerce.

Zhu Di died August 12, 1424. His son and successor sought Confucian counsel. “All voyages of the treasure ships are to be stopped,” he subsequently ordered. “All goods on the ships are to be turned over to the Department of Internal Affairs and stored.” Officials currently abroad on business were ordered back to the capital. Those selected for future voyages were ordered back to their home. Zheng He, now owner of a 70-room house, died at sea.

By 1450, repairs had ceased on the Treasure Fleet. Without reliable passage for visitors, the imperial tribute system shrank. Ambassadors gave way to smugglers. Fearing goods from outside powers could undermine authority, the government banned foreign trade. In 1500, to build a boat with three or more masts was a capital offense. Soon it was a crime simply to go to sea.
For almost 500 years, China all but abandoned world trade.

Today, we witness the second coming of the Treasure Fleet, though Chinese Communist Party leaders must share a far greater portion of the spoils than did Emperor Zhu Di.

Chinese exports account for half to two-thirds of all trade between Asia and Europe and North America. The country’s $17 billion China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) alone operates a 600-vessel merchant fleet whose annual traffic volume exceeds 300 million tons. Not to be outdone is the world’s largest containership, the Denmark-made Emma Maersk 3, which delivered a record 11,000 containers from China to Great Britain in its “S.S. Santa” Christmas voyage eighteen months ago with a crew that totaled just 13 sailors. Whether they realized it or not, all were descendants of admiral eunuch Zheng He.

Chinese Muslim Zeng He discovered America before Columbus « RUPEE NEWS: Recording History, Narrating Archives, Strategic Vision, Profound Analysis, Unique ideas

August 30, 2008

The Muslim News - Government?s interference in Islam will fail

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 3:54 am

 

If the British Government is attempting to interfere in the Muslim community on matters of Islam by funding a board of theologians, it is being wrong-headed as such a panel would have no credibility in the eyes of the Muslims.
Other governments have tried to impose their views to control Islam and have failed. It has been counter-productive and divisive. It will be perceived that the whole strategy of the UK Government on tackling extremism is to target not just violent extremists but Islam itself.
Communities Secretary, Hazel Blears, said last month, the Government?s latest package of measures was part of ?Winning Hearts and Minds? of the Muslim community. The launch of ?Preventing Violent Extremism: Next Steps for Communities? included funding a board of some 20 theologians, who have yet to be named, under the auspices of Oxford and Cambridge universities.
Blears also said the Government would train young Muslims ?to stand up to violent extremists? and help them ?understand how their faith is compatible with wider shared values.? The assumption is that young Muslims are ignorant of their faith and that the Government is best placed to educate them.
The Communities Secretary told BBC Today programme, before the announcement of her measures, that she knows of British Muslim groups who have said that ?Israel should be wiped off the face of the map? and that the Government will not engage with them. She did not say which these groups are or whether the boycott includes anyone who criticises Israel for breaching international and humanitarian laws.
Another measure targeted at Muslims and not other faiths is the development of new citizenship materials and training packages for mosque schools. It seems the aim is to have Government-approved Islamic education, including the teaching of the Qur?an, in compulsory citizenship classes in mainstream schools.
Ministers appear to have set their eyes on another Reformation akin to when the Church of England was set up to break away from Catholicism and affected the way Christianity was practised five centuries ago. It led to the dissolution of monasteries and long periods of persecution of the Catholics, with many of their rights not restored until the 19th century. From the onset, the dispute was largely political not religious, a parallel that seems to be missed.

The Muslim News - Government?s interference in Islam will fail

Seven Questions: Bernard Lewis on the Two Biggest Myths About Islam

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 3:53 am

 

He is one of the world’s foremost scholars of Islam and the Middle East. Bernard Lewis shares his thoughts on Iraq, “Islamofascism,” the roots of terrorism, and the two biggest misperceptions about the Muslim faith.

From the Jan./Feb. 2008 issue of Foreign Policy: “A World Without Islam,” by Graham Fuller.

Remove Islam from the path of history, and the world ends up exactly where it is today.

Foreign Policy: What do you see as the biggest misperception about Islam?

Bernard Lewis: Well, there are two. Sometimes one, sometimes the other, predominates. It depends when and where. I would call them the negative one and the positive one. The negative one sees Muslims as a collection of bloodthirsty barbarians offering people the choice of the Koran or the sword, and generally bringing tyranny and oppression wherever they go. And the other one is the exact opposite, what you might call the sanitized version, which presents Islam as a religion of love and peace, rather like the Quakers but without their aggressiveness. The truth is in its usual place, somewhere between the extremes.

FP: Do you believe in the “clash of civilizations” theory of Samuel P. Huntington, that the Islamic world and the West are destined to butt heads?

BL: Well, I don’t go into destiny; I’m a historian and I deal with the past. But I certainly think there is something in the “clash of civilizations.” What brought Islam and Christendom into conflict was not so much their differences as their resemblances. There are many religions in the world, but almost all of them are regional, local, ethnic, or whatever you choose to call it. Christianity and Islam are the only religions that claim universal truth. Christians and Muslims are the only people who claim they are the fortunate recipients of God’s final message to humanity, which it is their duty not to keep selfishly to themselves—like the Jews or the Hindus or the Buddhists—but to bring to the rest of mankind, removing whatever obstacles there may be in the way.

So, we have two religions with a similar self-perception, a similar historical background, living side by side, and conflict becomes inevitable.

FP: You write in your chapter about radical Islam that most Muslims are not fundamentalists, and that most fundamentalists are not terrorists. That’s not self-evident to everyone, so can you just explain it a little further?

BL: Naturally we hear about the acts of terror. Nobody ever wrote a headline saying “a million people went peacefully about their business yesterday and did nothing.” Terrorism is very much the news of the moment and it is also the threat of the moment. It is a real menace, and I don’t wish to understate that or diminish it in any way. But if one assumes that that’s all there is to Islam, that’s a grave mistake, because terrorism only comes from one brand of Islam, and even that one brand of Islam is not entirely committed to terrorism. But for a terrorist movement, you do need mass support.

FP: I noticed that you use the term “Islamofascism” in the conclusion of your book. That term has been hotly debated. What do you think? Is it harmful or useful?

BL: Well, I don’t use it; I discuss it. I think one has to confront that this is a term that is used. I don’t like it because it’s insulting to Muslims. They see it as insulting to link the name of their religion with the most detestable of all the European movements. It’s useful in the sense that it does distinguish real Islam from “Islamofascism,” but I still feel that the connection is insulting, and I prefer to use the term “radical Islam.”

FP: A lot of analysts, and this is especially something you hear from political leaders in the Muslim world, say that Islam has nothing to do with terrorism—that these are completely separate issues. Is that a view that you subscribe to? Some people say that terrorism is largely caused by occupation or a response to U.S. policy, not Islam.

BL: Well, I can’t subscribe to it since the terrorists themselves claim to be acting in the name of Islam. There was one Muslim leader who said, not long ago, that it is wrong to speak about Muslim terrorism, because if a man commits an act of terrorism, he’s not a Muslim. That’s very nice, but that could also be interpreted as meaning that if a Muslim commits it, it doesn’t count as terrorism.

When a large part of the Muslim world was under foreign rule, then you might say that terrorism was a result of imperialism, of imperial rule and occupation. But at the present time, almost the whole of the Muslim world has achieved its independence. They can no longer blame others for what goes wrong. They have to confront the realities of their own lives at home. A few places remain disputed, like Chechnya and Israel and some others, but these are relatively minor if you’re talking about the Islamic world as a whole.

FP: Iraq, which used to be ruled by a Sunni ruler, is now being governed by Shiites. What does that mean in the context of Islamic history?

BL: I think it means a great deal. But what is important in Iraq is not that it’s being ruled by the Shiites, but that it’s being ruled by a democracy, by a free, elected government that faces a free opposition. It proves what is often disputed, that the development of democratic institutions in a Muslim Arab country is possible. A lot of people say, “No, it’s impossible. It can’t work. They can’t do it.” Well, it’s difficult, but it’s not impossible, and I think Iraq proves that. What is happening in Iraq I find profoundly encouraging. Of course, it is the ripple effect from Iraq that is causing alarm among all the tyrants that rule these countries [in the region]. If it works in Iraq, it could work elsewhere, and this is very disturbing [for tyrants].

FP: As someone who has spent so much time studying the Ottoman Empire, the history of Islam, and the region, is the future of Islam something that has a deep meaning to you personally? Where do you see the Muslim world headed in the next decade?

BL: I’m not a religious person. But I find things that are good and encouraging. Islam over the last 14 centuries has brought dignity and meaning to millions of drab and impoverished lives. It has created a great civilization that has gone through several different phases in several different countries. It is now going through a major crisis, and it could go either way. It could descend into a fanatical tyranny, which would be devastating for Muslims and a threat to the rest of the world. Or they may succeed in developing their own brand of democracy. When we talk about the possibility of democracy in the Islamic world, it doesn’t have to be our kind. Our kind results from our own history and institutions. It’s not a universal model. They can, and I think will, develop their own brand of democracy, by which I mean limited, civilized, responsible government. And there are signs of that.

Bernard Lewis is professor emeritus at Princeton University and the author of dozens of books, most recently Islam: The Religion and the People (Upper Saddle River: Wharton School Publishing, 2008), coauthored with Buntzie Ellis Churchill.

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4455&print=1

Wide-scale, vicious anti-Islam campaign should be confronted » Kuwait Times Website

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 3:52 am

 

ROME: Dr Mohammad Al-Tabtabae, the former Dean of Kuwait University’s College of Sharia (Islamic law) and Islamic Studies, yesterday underlined the necessity for sincere efforts to be exerted by political, intellectual and religious powers to confront what he called a wide-scale and vicious campaign against Islam.
The Islamic world shoulders the responsibility of facing a smear campaign instigated against Islam, with such campaigns seeking to deliberately associate infrequent violent incidents committed by Muslim individuals with Islam itself, Al-Tabtabae said.
The former dean has been heading a high-ranking Kuwaiti academic delegation to the international conference on “Humanity in Islam,” which was hosted here.
Al-Tabtabae thanked the Italian authorities for hosting the conference for the seventh time, saying that the event had a deeply positive impact on the Muslim community here, as well as on the perception of Islam among Italians.
Al-Tabtabae also expressed gratitude to the Kuwaiti Embassy in Rome and the General Consulate in Milan for their immense efforts in participating in the organization of the conference.
The conference, which was held in the northern Italian city of Bersha on Aug 26, tackled several pivotal issues such as the status of the individual in the Holy Quran, humanitarian aspects in the life of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), issues of equality and justice, and worship from an Islamic perspective.
The conference issued a number of recommendations in the framework
of responding to the campaign launched against Islam and Prophet Mohammad, in addition to buttressing contacts among the one million-strong Muslim community in Italy.
The Kuwaiti delegation grouped professors Issam Al-Ghareeb, Yousef Al-Saqer, Abdulaziz Al-Mutawa, Walid Al-Ali, Bader Al-Mass and religious scholar Othman Al-Haidar. - KUNA

Wide-scale, vicious anti-Islam campaign should be confronted » Kuwait Times Website

Vanguard Online Edition

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 3:49 am

 

Why we passed Fatwa on Islamic preacher with 86 wives –Imam Ashafa
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Written by Emeka Mamah, Kaduna

Saturday, 30 August 2008

Mohammad Nureen Ashafa is the Imam of Ashafa Central Mosque, Tudun Wada, Kaduna; Vice President, Ashafa Mosque Foundation, as well as the Co-Executive Director of Interfaith Mediation Centre of Muslim-Christian Dialogue Forum, also in Kaduna.

He spoke to some media organisations on the implications of the death sentence [fatwa] passed on octogenarian Islamic preacher, Mohammed Bello Abubakar, by the Jama’tu Nasril Islam [JNI], for marrying 86 wives contrary to Islamic injunctions. Excerpts:

Do you support the fatwa passed on Mohammed Abubakar for admitting that he has 86 wives?

I strongly support the JNI fatwa. In Islam, if somebody claims to be a Muslim, he professes Islam and he wants to act in the name of Islam, then he has no legitimacy to marry more than four wives.
In Koran Chapter four, God made it very clear.

You are free to marry women of your choice; you can marry two, three, or four. However, if you feel you cannot do justice among them, marry only one wife. This scriptural text is not ambiguous. 

This is a direct instruction from God, so, anything that negates that injunction is not allowed. You cannot marry more than four wives. There is room for concubine in Islam. And that is why you see some royal fathers have four wives and they have concubines.

The history of concubine has to do with slavery, if you had women who are in your possession as slaves. This is because in those days, people bought slaves. It may no longer be fashionable in modern times but the law is still there.

If you have women as slaves, they can have children for you but you have to protect them, and give them the same honour you give your wives, though they are not legitimate wives. But Islam says if you want to be a man of honour, then give the slaves their freedom. This also goes to show that the institution of concubine is discouraged within the Islamic framework of social justice.

So, if somebody says he has 86 wives, and he claims to be a Muslim scholar, there is nowhere in the history of Islam that such a thing is accepted. Prophet Mohammed had more than four wives, he had nine wives but he had the wives before the law on limitation on the number of wives a Muslim can marry.

Traditionally, there was no limit to the number of wives a man can have. Islam took into consideration certain needs, social and emotional, sexual urge, all these are part of the things a woman needs in marriage. It is injustice if you do not provide these adequately for the woman. If she is commit adultery, what happens to her?

So, how do you share 86 wives in a year? It means that you cannot meet some of the women more than once in a week. In fact, it may not even be possible because we have 52 weeks in a year. So, if you see one every week, the others have to wait till the next year to take their turns. What is the legitimacy? There is no legitimacy for that in Islam. It is an abuse on the rights and dignity of these women. It is an abuse on the sanctity of woman-hood. It is an abuse to marry 86 wives in the name of Islam.

He can do that in the name of culture because there is no restriction on the number of women a man can marry, in most of the traditions.

He initially had two wives in Lagos but he claimed he saw a spirit telling him to marry as many wives as possible. No spirit controls a Muslim, it is God. This is unacceptable in Islam. I do not call for his head to be chopped off.  There are so many of them who do a lot of stupid things in the name of Islam. Women have rights, they have dignity and honour. Islam respects the dignity of women. If you cannot do justice to four wives, Islam says marry only one wife.

The truth is that the norm should actually be monogamy because it may be difficult for a man to treat four women equally. But, in exceptional cases, it is polygamy if you are strong. I am a polygamist because I have two wives and I try to give equal justice to the two of them. It is not enough for me to say that because I have enough money or houses then I should marry a third wife. A woman needs emotional satisfaction. That affection is part of the rudiments of marriage.

How does the man with 86 wives satisfy the sexual and emotional needs of these women? 

And the man is about 80 years old and the law of diminishing returns has caught up with him. If he were to be a younger person, then we may conclude that he takes Viagra or other stimulants but here we have a man who is about 83 years old having 86 wives.

One of the things that can nullify any marriage in Islam is when a man is not able to satisfy his wife sexually. If a man cannot meet the sexual needs of the wife, the woman is free to demand the dissolution of that marriage. It constitutes an abuse of Islam for any Muslim,anywhere to marry more than four wives.

But there are insinuations that the JNI did not follow the due process before giving the fatwa verdict and, again, there are no indications that the women are complaining that the man does not satisfy them as a husband?

In Islam, before a sentence is passed on an accused, he must be given the opportunity to defend himself. That is one. But there are certain things that somebody does that you no longer need to take evidence from anybody. Islam is based on oral and physical evidences. Islam does not accept pictorial evidence because an artist can manipulate a lot of things. The law says do not marry more than four wives but, here, a man says himself that he has 86 wives, and then under the Sharia, he is guilty. It is like a man who publicly declares that he committed adultery, he becomes liable and does not require further evidence to convict him.

The man said he has 86 wives, so, the fatwa committee does not need to sit him down to take evidence. The JNI gave the verdict based on the man’s confession that he has 86 wives.

He said the eldest wives are over 70 years old. He said so, and the television showed some of the wives, children, his house and so many other things.

Moreover, the JNI has offices in most parts of the north and in Minna. He claims to be a Muslim, so, the JNI does not need to meet him physically because he made the statement. If you say you have 86 wives, then JNI said he should no longer wear the toga of Islam, given his level of inconsistency with the Sharia law.

He has become a non-Muslim, given the level of his in conformity with the dictates of Islam.
The issue is not whether the women complain or not but it is about a golden rule. Of course, the women may not complain.

The issue is that he claims to be a Muslim and he ran foul of the law which says he should not marry more than four wives. If he were a traditionalist, he is free to marry as many women as he desires and nobody will complain. If a Muslim girl dresses half naked and begins to walk the streets, as a Muslim and an Imam, I have the right to caution and call her to order but if a Christian girl does the same thing, I do not have the right to talk to her because she is not a Muslim.

If a Muslim takes a bottle of beer and starts drinking in my presence and he claims to have a right to do that, I would take a cane and flog him right there if he is a member of my mosque because he is messing up the moral values of the Muslim community. The Islamic culture is unique because there are rules that guide the behaviours of a Muslim. That is why there is no compulsion in joining the religion of Islam.

A man has a right to decide to become a Muslim but he may not be free to just renounce the religion the moment he is in. There is no compulsion in Islam. You do not force people to come into the religion. However, when somebody willingly comes into it, it is not easy for him to say that he is leaving it.

He ought to have known the consequences before coming in. It is like being a citizen of America and tomorrow you say I am no longer an American citizen, I am now an Afganistan and I hate America.

You start condemning America. Will America let you go? It is treasonable felony because you have no right to be a citizen of Nigeria and sabotage the nation.

Islam has the same system within the religion. If a Muslim commits an act of treasonable felony, he is bound to get the capital punishment. If the man is taken to the court and claims to have forgotten that he is expected to marry not more than four wives, the court may tell him that since he admits that it is wrong, he should leave all other women, give them compensation and let them go and retain only four women. So, he has to release 82 of the women and select the best four. The children are his as long as somebody else did not help him to sleep with the women. He has to protect these children and give them the best. But if he dies now, who takes care of those children? One hundred and seven children? Who will take care of them? Should I help do that?

The answer is definitely no, because I have my children. If what that man does is in the name of Islam, he is very wrong. He should come out to defend himself. He should renounce 82 0f the women and hold on to only four. If he does that, he has a better future.

But several Emirs and other rich Muslims have more than the prescribed four wives. If this man did not speak, nobody would have known. Are there mechanisms that the JNI can use to determine those who flout the law and perhaps also sanction them?

If you have more than four wives and you do not say it, the Sharia would not know anything about it. If you do not confess that you have more than four, nobody dares say anything because you have your privacy and your privacy is well protected in Islam.

You do not intrude into the privacy of others and that is why if you claim or suspect that some-one sleeps with a certain woman without having actually caught them in the act, you will receive 40 lashes.

So, if anybody has more than four wives, either as a king, politician or businessman, as long as he does not come out openly to say so, it is left for him and his Lord. A day will come when he will account for his misbehaviour.

There are four basic principles of marriage. There must be the interest across the parties. You do not hijack a woman and give to a man.

They must be interested in each other. There must be love. There must be acceptance by the families of the couple.

There must be legitimacy of the dowry and there must be that willingness on the part of the man to satisfy all the emotional needs of the woman, within the Sharia.

What is the implication of the fatwa proclaimed on this man?

It simply means that he is a persona non grata as he is no longer recognized as a Muslim. People call him a Muslim leader but this fatwa has removed that title from him. He is no longer recognized as a Muslim and he does not represent Islam in any way. Whatever he does negates the principles of Islam.

A Muslim is free to do anything he wishes to do as long as whatever he does is not inconsistent with the Sharia law. If he does anything that does not conform to the principles of Sharia, the Sharia puts a bar and says you cannot cross. You cannot live in Islam with that.

Must he be killed because it is believed that fatwa means that he must be killed?

That is a different matter entirely.  Fatwa simply means opinion on very controversial issues affecting the Muslim Ummah, in order to check certain excesses or behaviour that may pollute the image of Islam in the eyes of the world.

Fatwa is the Islamic position on certain issues. In his own case, the fatwa does not mean he should be killed. But the content of the fatwa determines if he should be killed.
But even if the fatwa says he should be killed, that does not mean that one person should go and kill him.

He has to be taken before the court of law and the court will give a verdict after giving him some time to defend himself. Except in a situation where he says he is not going to defend himself, that he did it.

In Islam, there are certain behaviours equivalent to treasonable felony and can warrant capital punishment. No individual has the right to execute such punishment; it has to be done by a constituted authority that is the Sharia court in Islam. 

The leadership [JNI] has given an opinion; it is now left for him to be taken to a court of law for him to defend himself. 

Vanguard Online Edition

Behind the veil lives a thriving Muslim sexuality - Opinion - smh.com.au

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 3:48 am

 

A woman swathed in black to her ankles, wearing a headscarf or a full chador, walks down a European or North American street, surrounded by other women in halter tops, miniskirts and short shorts. She passes under immense billboards on which other women swoon in sexual ecstasy, cavort in lingerie or simply stretch out languorously, almost fully naked. Could this image be any more iconic of the discomfort the West has with the social mores of Islam, and vice versa?

Ideological battles are often waged with women’s bodies as their emblems, and Western Islamophobia is no exception. When France banned headscarves in schools, it used the hijab as a proxy for Western values in general, including the appropriate status of women. When Americans were being prepared for the invasion of Afghanistan, the Taliban were demonised for denying cosmetics and hair colour to women; when the Taliban were overthrown, Western writers often noted that women had taken off their scarves.

But are we in the West radically misinterpreting Muslim sexual mores, particularly the meaning to many Muslim women of being veiled or wearing the chador? And are we blind to our own markers of the oppression and control of women?

The West interprets veiling as repression of women and suppression of their sexuality. But when I travelled in Muslim countries and was invited to join a discussion in women-only settings within Muslim homes, I learned that Muslim attitudes toward women’s appearance and sexuality are not rooted in repression, but in a strong sense of public versus private, of what is due to God and what is due to one’s husband. It is not that Islam suppresses sexuality, but that it embodies a strongly developed sense of its appropriate channelling - toward marriage, the bonds that sustain family life, and the attachment that secures a home.

Outside the walls of the typical Muslim households that I visited in Morocco, Jordan, and Egypt, all was demureness and propriety. But inside, women were as interested in allure, seduction and pleasure as women anywhere in the world.

At home, in the context of marital intimacy, Victoria’s Secret, elegant fashion and skin care lotions abounded. The bridal videos that I was shown, with the sensuous dancing that the bride learns as part of what makes her a wonderful wife, and which she proudly displays for her bridegroom, suggested that sensuality was not alien to Muslim women. Rather, pleasure and sexuality, both male and female, should not be displayed promiscuously - and possibly destructively - for all to see.

Indeed, many Muslim women I spoke with did not feel at all subjugated by the chador or the headscarf. On the contrary, they felt liberated from what they experienced as the intrusive, commodifying, basely sexualising Western gaze. Many women said something like this: “When I wear Western clothes, men stare at me, objectify me, or I am always measuring myself against the standards of models in magazines, which are hard to live up to - and even harder as you get older, not to mention how tiring it can be to be on display all the time. When I wear my headscarf or chador, people relate to me as an individual, not an object; I feel respected.” This may not be expressed in a traditional Western feminist set of images, but it is a recognisably Western feminist set of feelings.

I experienced it myself. I put on a shalwar kameez and a headscarf in Morocco for a trip to the bazaar. Yes, some of the warmth I encountered was probably from the novelty of seeing a Westerner so clothed; but, as I moved about the market - the curve of my breasts covered, the shape of my legs obscured, my long hair not flying about me - I felt a novel sense of calm and serenity. I felt, yes, in certain ways, free.

Nor are Muslim women alone. The Western Christian tradition portrays all sexuality, even married sexuality, as sinful. Islam and Judaism never had that same kind of mind-body split. So, in both cultures, sexuality channeled into marriage and family life is seen as a source of great blessing, sanctioned by God.

This may explain why both Muslim and Orthodox Jewish women not only describe a sense of being liberated by their modest clothing and covered hair, but also express much higher levels of sensual joy in their married lives than is common in the West. When sexuality is kept private and directed in ways seen as sacred - and when one’s husband isn’t seeing his wife (or other women) half-naked all day long - one can feel great power and intensity when the headscarf or the chador comes off in the the home.

Among healthy young men in the West, who grow up on pornography and sexual imagery on every street corner, reduced libido is a growing epidemic, so it is easy to imagine the power that sexuality can carry in a more modest culture. And it is worth understanding the positive experiences that women - and men - can have in cultures where sexuality is more conservatively directed.

I do not mean to dismiss the many women leaders in the Muslim world who regard veiling as a means of controlling women. Choice is everything. But Westerners should recognise that when a woman in France or Britain chooses a veil, it is not necessarily a sign of her repression. And, more importantly, when you choose your own miniskirt and halter top - in a Western culture in which women are not so free to age, to be respected as mothers, workers or spiritual beings, and to disregard Madison Avenue - it’s worth thinking in a more nuanced way about what female freedom really means.

Naomi Wolf is the author, most recently, of The End Of America: Letter Of Warning To A Young Patriot and the upcoming Give Me Liberty: How To Become An American Revolutionary, and is co-founder of the American Freedom Campaign, a US democracy movement.

Behind the veil lives a thriving Muslim sexuality - Opinion - smh.com.au

August 28, 2008

Mona Eltahawy Blog » Archives » American-Muslim Catch 22

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 9:17 pm

 

By Mona Eltahawy

NEW YORK — A woman wrote to me recently to ask “how can a non-Muslim EVER trust the word of a Muslim.” She said she “knew it is ok for all Muslims to lie to infidels” and, just for good measure, informed me that being a Muslim was incompatible with being an American because “the ultimate goal of Muslims (or you are not a true Muslim) is to have Sharia in the U.S.”

“Please don’t argue that point,” she wrote. “I’ve read too many commentaries from the Arab world. The way to take America is from the inside.”

Well, then. Nothing there for me to add. Even if I wrote back, what’s to guarantee my response wouldn’t be just another lie to an “infidel”?

Welcome to the Catch-22 of American Muslim life — you’re damned if you do and damned if you don’t. It is quite apparent today for the American Muslim supporters of Barack Obama — the presumptive Democratic nominee for president and a Christian who has been ‘accused’ of being Muslim.

For Jenan Mohajir, a program associate at Interfaith Youth Core — a Chicago-based international nonprofit — a conversation in October 2006 on a liberal campus in the Midwest was a lesson in what it was like to be an American Muslim supporter of Obama.

“I was at a lunch meeting with the campus rabbi when one of the women’s studies professors walked up to us. She primarily was in conversation with the rabbi about Barack Obama’s aspirations to run for the 08’ election,” Jenan told me in an email.

“Then she turned to me and said, ‘I’m sorry for YOUR loss, but America isn’t ready for a Muslim president,’ At which point, I was so shocked, that I could only reply with, ‘Barack Obama isn’t Muslim.’”

That professor is not alone — her misconception is alive today. A recent poll by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press found that 12 percent of respondents believe Obama is Muslim.

Obama’s father was a Kenyan of Muslim ancestry and an atheist. Barack spent several years as a child in Indonesia — the world’s most populous Muslim country — with his American mother and her Indonesian husband. His African roots and his Indonesia years were common themes during Obama’s earlier campaigning when he wanted to illustrate the bridge he could build between a post-Bush America and the world it has alienated.

So how did Obama go from there to the rally in Detroit last June, when an overzealous staffer moved two Muslim women from directly behind him to keep women with headscarves out of a photo-op? Obama called the women to apologize and issued a statement that the actions were unacceptable and did not reflect his campaign.

But then in early August, Obama’s national Muslim outreach coordinator resigned after the Wall Street Journal asked questions about his alleged connections to a man named as an unindicted co-conspirator in a racketeering trial last year of fund-raisers allegedly for Hamas.

And it is difficult to ignore the childish but effective conservative and right wing chain emails and the chorus of inflammatory blog entries singing the tune “Obama sounds an awful lot like Osama” (of Bin Laden fame) aimed at eroding the steel of Obama’s bid for president.

The “smearing” was not confined to Obama’s Republican opponents and their racist allies. As reported in September’s The Atlantic Magazine, Mark Penn, former strategist to Hillary Clinton, suggested she “go negative” on Obama in 2007 — painting him as too foreign and exotic to lead America at war.

She did not heed the advice but her campaign did leak photographs of Barack wearing traditional Somali garb — a subtle but calculated message.

So what to do if you’re an American Muslim to overcome dismay at seeing your faith being used as a toxic catapult?

American Muslims are learning that in post-9/11 America, they must become more involved at every level of the country’s political process, and not least so that there’s always someone to say “So what if he’s Muslim?” whenever Obama is “smeared.”

More American Muslims are registering to vote and turning out at party conventions where they remind both Democrats and Republicans that many of their communities are concentrated in important swing states.

This week, the first ever American Muslim Democratic Caucus, launched in Denver at the Democrats’ convention, is especially encouraging. Besides showcasing the party’s Muslim delegates who turned out in Denver, the caucus launch was co-hosted by the two Muslim members of Congress, Keith Ellison (D-MN) and Andre Carson (D-IN), neither of whom campaigned on a Muslim platform but both of whom are role models for aspiring American Muslim politicians.

And what of all the American Muslim Obama supporters? Jenan Mohajir eloquently sums up the lessons they’ve learned. “I realized that perhaps it was better for me to be not vocal,” Jenan said. “I don’t think the rumors about him being a Muslim will be quenched if I stood on rooftops with my hot pink hijab screaming, ‘Obama’s not a Muslim! Obama’s not a Muslim!’

“So I’ve taken a quieter approach, and I’ve decided that the best I can do for Obama is to wear my brightly-colored hijab and drive my mother to the polls so that she can place her first vote in an American election. I’ll be voting too of course!”

Copyright ©2008 Mona Eltahawy – distributed by Agence Global

Mona Eltahawy Blog » Archives » American-Muslim Catch 22

Nadeem Kazmi: Why self-flagellation matters for Shia Muslims | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 12:23 pm

 

As the recent case in Manchester shows, child cruelty is wrong, but for us the practice is a vital link to the heart of our Muslim faith

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I was disheartened to read about the trial of Syed Mustafa Zaidi, a 44-year-old man who has been found guilty of forcing two young boys to engage in self-flagellation (also known zanjeer zani), the ritualistic act of self-flagellation that has been part of Shia Muslim practice for centuries.

In 2003, I was consulted by Scotland Yard on this issue (though not on this specific case). A letter, signed by a leading Shia cleric, was issued as a general circular at the time which advised that, while engaging in rituals that may result in self-harm was a matter for individuals, there were health, child-safety and legal implications that people should be mindful of. It also clearly discouraged children being asked to take part in “any activity that could subject them to physical harm”.

There are elements of the Zaidi case that will sound familiar to those who grew up in a Punjabi Shia household. There is nothing odd in the father of the household engaging in this particular practice. But I have personally never seen anybody coerced into it, although coercion can, admittedly, take many indirect forms. There is also nothing strange in seeing participants who, immersed in what appears to be a spiritual ecstasy, are made to calm down, often to prevent further injury to themselves.

It strikes me that, though Zaidi’s actions crossed the boundaries of what is acceptable, the danger of this case is that the ritual of self-flagellation itself is demonised. Those adults who engage in self-flagellation with knives, chains or blades, do so with a consciousness of the ceremonial nature of the act, keenly watched by onlookers, children and adults alike, who, though they have seen it all before, continue to be mesmerised by the sheer spectacle of it – the display. This excitement is, for most, mixed with an actual sense of profound identification with the suffering of Imam Hussain, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. Islamic history tells us that Hussain, a venerated saint in Shism, stood up to the tyrant of the day, Yazid, 14 centuries ago in order to save Islam and humanity from despotism and oppression, and to make the ultimate point about justice. During the 10-day siege, Hussain’s camp suffered unimaginable trials and tribulations, which, to many Muslims, not just Shias, has no equal.
Hussain was beheaded and his body mutilated and the few among his followers who survived were humiliatingly made to march on foot to the palace of Yazid in Damascus, where they were imprisoned: many of them died. It is said that bystanders along the route, realising what had happened, began to beat themselves and weep. This event is regarded as the beginnings of the self-flagellation rituals that we see today among Shia Muslims.
Even though I grew up in a Shia household that was fairly well-versed in an understanding of Islam, I have nevertheless always been fascinated by what devotion to Hussain means for those who participate in the various rituals that occur around the annual muharram remembrance ceremonies. Hence a few years ago I embarked on a journey that led me to make Ten Days, a documentary film that tries to capture the essence of these devotional practices among Punjabi Shia Muslims in Pakistan.
The experience of making the film taught me that Hussain’s tragedy will continue to resonate, not only because of what his martyrdom symbolises in the struggle of right against might (the struggle to renounce violence, despotism and tyranny through physical sacrifice), but also because, in an age where Muslim communities appear to be in a state of flux, it is this very sacrifice of Hussain that, paradoxically, provides an antithesis to extremism and violence. How? Because it gives a powerful sense of meaningful identification to those, especially among the younger generations, who see beyond the self-inflicted scars and the rituals themselves, and who in some way try and comprehend the significance of it all. The point about the apparent extreme self-violence is that extremism and violence in and of themselves are condemnable. Thus, without the essential dramatic immediacy that the practice conveys to both participant as well as audience, the rituals that comprise the passion of Hussain would be rendered meaningless.

It is possible that those few parents who encourage their children to participate in acts of self-flagellation see nothing wrong in encouraging children to understand the power of their faith through identification with the suffering figure of Hussain. Taking a decision to involve children in a ritual that might harm them, is, of course, wrong, as the Shia clerics such as Ayatollah Fadhil Milani, Maulana Zafar Abbas and others made clear. Harm to children would be against the sharia and the directives of Shia Muslim scholars in the UK. We must not allow our actions borne out of a “passion for faith” and an expression of one’s own personal piety, to spill over into the lives of others, especially if we are responsible for them as parents.

But it would be unjust if the Zaidi case were to poison the wider public’s view of a ritual that commemorates a death that, like the Christian concept of the crucifixion of Christ, is seen as the epitome of sacrifice for humanity, and the triumph of good over evil.

Nadeem Kazmi: Why self-flagellation matters for Shia Muslims | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

Faisal al Yafai: Translating feminism into Islam | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 12:21 pm

 

The parameters have shifted: the rise of political Islam means feminism must now use the language of religion. Can it survive?

Two years ago, Dr Bouthaina Shaaban, Syria’s minister of expatriates, gave a speech in Damascus about the role of women. She recalled a story about an Arab woman who toured the United States in the 19th century, trying to persuade Americans to liberate their women, to allow them to move out of the home and into the workplace. How times have changed. (Although perhaps not that much: one is still lecturing the other.)

Shaaban, better known to western audiences as a regular voice for the Assad government on English television networks, is one of the Arab world’s most prominent feminists. She will be one of the keynote speakers at this year’s International Congress on Islamic Feminism in Barcelona, along with Britain’s Baroness Uddin and the American professor Amina Wadud, who gained notoriety when she led a mixed gender prayer group in New York.

Even in this one conference, one can see the threads of dissent among feminists in the Arab and Muslim worlds. Some, like Shaaban, come from a secular perspective, whereas Wadud looks to Islamic principles for her feminism. Both, however, use the language and example of Islam – and that has been their downfall.

Those feminists who come out of a more secular tradition tend to emphasise individual empowerment as a societal good. Thus traditional routes to gender equality – education, work and laws – are acclaimed because they allow societies to progress. In her speech, Shaaban quoted Syria’s former president Hafez Al Assad saying: “A society must not work with half its members, but must rather work with full power and all its members.”

But those days of appeals to patriotic ideals – as happened in the heyday of Egyptian feminism, in the 1950s – are gone. Today the appeal is made to Islamic ideals. When the doyen of secular Arab feminism, the writer Nawal El Saadawi says that “Women who wear the veil and say they choose to do so are either lying or ignorant” – at a time when Arab women across the region are reclaiming it as their right, it is clear the parameters have shifted. Take a walk through the urban centres of Cairo or Damascus – or even Beirut – and it is clear that those days of mini-skirts on every corner in the 1970s (as almost everyone in those cities seems to remember) are gone. There is a new reality in the region.

That reality is Islam. The rise of political Islam has affected even feminism. The Islamic feminists have a more individualistic model. For them, gender equality and empowerment is more a factor of being a good Muslim, of living an ideal Islamic life.

Wadud – like two other feminists, the US academic Margot Badran and the Moroccan doctor and writer Asma Lamrabet, both of whom will be at the conference – argue that the codification of Islamic law that took place during the 9th century drew heavily on patriarchal traditions of the day and thus, perhaps unwittingly, watered down the clear principles of equality they believe are found in the Qur’an. They aim their efforts at reinterpreting the religious texts.

Secular feminists, conscious of the way the language of Islam has permeated the Middle East, have tended to try and articulate their ideas of gender equality in Islamic terms (by, for instance, pointing out the wives of Islam’s founder were businesswomen and army commanders). The problem, however, is that that language of Islam, or religious reform, has been so totally appropriated by political Islam, that even when feminists who begin from a secular point of view use it, it sounds religious. When Islamic feminists use it, they are playing on the Islamists pitch, with an immediate disadvantage.

Take the burning of women’s schools in Pakistan (and Afghanistan). The now-resurgent Taliban say they are doing this because Islamic law forbids women’s education; the Islamic feminists reply that in fact education is a religious duty. It becomes a theological argument. Remember who wins theological arguments? The side with the most guns.

There is a way back. Feminism in the Arab and Islamic worlds, like feminism in the west, is struggling to find ways to remain relevant to a new generation. In the west, feminism’s trajectory was derailed from its early successes by increased freedom, legislation and materialism. There is a strong sense among women that feminism – as it is usually understood – no longer provides answers. It doesn’t even provide the right questions.

There is something of that, too, in the Islamic worlds. Feminism seems like a luxury, and a decadent one at that, unable to provide answers to pressing questions such as political reform, the end of foreign occupations, and the rise of political Islam. Worse, much feminism, in its haste to show how its ideas have Arab and Muslim roots – and are not just western imports, as their detractors charge – has looked too much to the past: to Islamic history, to Arab writers, to more open times. But feminists, of whatever stripe, need to show how their ideas can solve the problems that Jordanian and Indonesian and African and European women experience today. The problems of poverty, of education, of discriminatory laws. They need to show, for example, how better laws, and not more religion, can provide a solution to sexual harassment and violence in the region (a topic I will be writing about in a subsequent piece). Until then, they will always be talking the Islamists’ language – and not even speaking it well

Faisal al Yafai: Translating feminism into Islam | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

August 27, 2008

M. Junaid Levesque-Alam: The Only Good Muslim is the Anti-Muslim

Filed under: News — ftaslimi @ 9:33 pm

 

By M. JUNAID LEVESQUE-ALAM

For some, Barack Obama’s stature as a man of the left has fallen precipitously, like late autumn leaves shed by branches bowing to the will of winter.

Disappointment has often been self-inflicted. Supporters have dipped their pens deeply into the inkwell of Obama’s inspiring story and written their own lines on Afghanistan, oil drilling, or the death penalty - only to see these wishful words unceremoniously erased by presidential politics or the senator’s own views.

But for American Muslims and progressive allies, both eager to see an end to the vilification of Arabs and Muslims in the United States, Obama’s mantra of hope and change barely set in before it expired.

First we witnessed the embarrassing spectacle of micro-level ethnic cleansing when two Arab women with headscarves were whisked offstage ahead of a campaign photo-op in Detroit. Then we heard Obama call false claims about his purportedly Muslim identity “smears” – as if he was accused not of belonging to an Abrahamic faith observed by more than 1.2 billion people, but of slinking out of Congress to visit a brothel. Soon after we saw the senator genuflect before AIPAC and call for a permanently Israeli Jerusalem - a vision the Jewish state has assiduously tried to realize by macro-level ethnic cleansing, purging its Arab residents.

A more recent political maneuver also turned out to be a purge: the Obama campaign’s Muslim outreach coordinator, Mazen Asbahi, “resigned” this month after a brief stint of several days. The event went almost unnoticed.

But two sharply different responses to this episode - and the standing afforded to the authors of these responses - reveal that the senator is not alone in failing to stanch America’s anti-Islamic miasma. Rather, the shortcoming is a collective one, shared by many liberals whose prejudice against Muslims and Arab-Americans is surpassed only by an apparent disinterest in correcting it.

One response to the resignation came from James Zogby. An Arab-American Christian, Zogby’s credentials as a man rooted in his community are matchless. He helped found the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee. He led non-sectarian campaigns to assist war victims in Palestine and Lebanon. And he serves as president of the Arab American Institute, a Washington, D.C. think tank.

Yet despite 30 years of community advocacy and experience, his views on Arab and Muslim issues appear in just two popular non-ethnic publications. One is The Huffington Post. The other is in Egypt.

Commenting on Asbahi’s short tenure, Zogby writes, “In the brief time he held his position we spoke almost daily. He learned so much and did so much to make Arab Americans and American Muslims feel included in the campaign.”

“Then,” Zogby observes, “it happened.” One of the many websites “monitoring” Muslims in America discovered that eight years ago Asbahi served on a board which included a controversial imam. Asbahi resigned from the board after two weeks.

Like vultures eyeing a wounded gazelle, the usual assortment of right-wing bloggers descended on Asbahi. They vilified him as a closet fundamentalist for once belonging to the Muslim Student Association, a well-established mainstream group with branches on dozens of college campuses across the U.S. and Canada.

Not to be outdone, the Wall Street Journal threatened to amplify the echo chamber, the walls of which reverberate with the hysterics of its associates in the right-wing “blogosphere.”

Faced with mounting pressure and bereft of support from any quarter, Asbahi and the campaign “agreed” he would relinquish his post.

This sequence of events comes as no surprise to anyone familiar with neoconservative methods. It is but a reenactment of previous attacks: the mendacious 2005 campaign to oust Columbia University professors who used Israel’s own archives to dismantle pleasant fictions about its history; the dissemination of e-mails containing crude anti-Semitic nonsense sent out in professors’ names to destroy their credibility; and the ongoing efforts to publicly intimidate universities into denying academics employment or tenure.

But amid the past few years of attacks, outrages, and, yes, smears, hurled at Muslims and Arabs in this country, one Muslim figure stands curiously unsullied: Irshad Manji. She, too, wrote about Asbahi’s dismissal, though we would do well to acquaint ourselves with the author first.

Unlike most of her coreligionists, Manji has been lavished with attention and awards by mainstream and liberal America. She garnered Oprah Winfrey’s first “Chutzpah” award, Ms. Magazine’s “Feminist for the 21st Century” seal of approval, New York University’s Wagner School “Moral Courage Project,” a column in The Huffington Post, production of a PBS documentary, and the list goes on.

In an era when Muslims find themselves boxed in by political attacks here and military assaults abroad, one wonders: what is Manji’s secret to success?

She wrote a book - and not just any book. Titled The Trouble With Islam Today, hers won applause not only from liberals but other, more interesting quarters. The Wall Street Journal praised it as “refreshingly provocative” and “deserv[ing] of the attention it is receiving.” Daniel Pipes declared, “Manji - a practicing Muslim - brings real insight to her subject.” Phyillis Chesler beamed, “Manji has written a bold, sane, passionate, compelling book.” And Alan Dershowitz announced, “Manji is a fresh, new and intriguing voice of Islamic reform.”

A fine example of damning with loud praise.

What could a Muslim have written that would delight supporters of bombing and torturing Muslims? What sweet words could have moved Daniel Pipes - who specializes in hyping anti-Islamic hysteria on Fox News and elsewhere - to welcome into his generous bosom the ideas of a “practicing Muslim?” What might motivate Alan Dershowitz, better known for backing the torture of Muslims than for reading their books, to plug Manji’s effort?

The answer lies in the content. The Trouble With Islam Today is an unhinged polemic that derides Muslims and demeans their faith. Examining a few of the book’s points should reveal what has caught the fancy of neoconservatives and liberals alike.

The author devotes two pages to comparing Osama bin Laden to Prophet Muhammad. “Is it mere happenstance,” Manji rhetorically asks, “that bin Laden spends so much time in caves, like the meditating [Prophet] did?” With penetrating and piercing logic - in the sense that one must penetrate one’s skull and pierce the cortex to succumb to it - she goes on in this vein, declaring “camel saddles” and “online transactions” twin evils. The “parallels” between Osama, the man who blesses the murder of innocent people, and Muhammad, the man who forgave the murderers of his closest companions, “continue to proliferate,” Manji insists, much to the delight of the Muslim-haters behind the curtains.

A good portion of the book is also dedicated to attacking the Quran (and the Quran alone), which the intrepid author does without any background in religious studies or a single footnote. But no matter. This book, Manji intones, is “profoundly at war with itself.” Religious texts should apparently read like do-it-yourself plumbing guides, bereft of subtlety or layers of meaning, particularly if you are trying to flush the whole thing down the toilet to boost your celebrity status among Islamophobes.

Manji’s fans must especially enjoy her excoriation of Muslims as fake victims. Muslims wallow in their “screaming self-pity,” she snickers,  as though one ought to see the fuselage of cruise missiles as half-full rather than half-empty as they fly en route to the nearest wedding celebration or apartment building.

Manji’s attacks on Muslims appear almost kind next to the beating she doles out to logic itself. She surmises that since Muslims have been more harmed by Muslims than non-Muslims (based on what data or criteria, we dare not guess), there is little reason to complain about atrocities authored under the “war on terror.” She does not add whether she also ordered families of Sept. 11th victims to get over themselves when the casualties were surpassed by that year’s domestic homicides - a case of “Americans having been more harmed by Americans than non-Americans.”

Finally, Manji enjoys ridiculing dispossessed Palestinians. Ignoring over two decades of work by Jewish scholars and human rights groups on Israeli ethnic cleansing and massacres, she neatly eliminates the Palestinians altogether by dubbing them Jordanians and hails Israel for its “compassion.” It must have been precisely this “compassion” that moved 23 ANC veterans, several of them Jewish, to compare the Israeli occupation with South African apartheid during a recent visit.

Now well-acquainted with America’s favorite Muslim, let us turn to her article on the departure of Obama’s former coordinator, Mazen Asbahi.

In a Huffington Post piece, she demonstrates no concern about the vilification enabled Asbahi’s dismissal. Indeed, she fails to mention it even once. Is this because Manji is too busy contributing to the problem to pause and reflect? Or is it because this would upset her core base - the neoconservatives who mount these smear campaigns?

Whatever the case, Manji performs her predictable pre-programmed attack routine, observing contemptuously, “…Mazen Asbahi has just resigned. I can’t say I’m disheartened. He’d been embraced by groups like the Muslim Public Affairs Council and the Islamic Society of North America, renowned for their conservative politics and ‘moderate’ double-speak.”

Writing a piece occasioned by attacks on one Muslim, Manji manages to magnify the insult by attacking thousands of other Muslims.

According to her politics, anyone who does not dance to the detonation of cluster bombs is already suspect. So her invective aimed at groups representing thousands of American Muslims, which she never bothers to back up with arguments, is understandable.

Not yet satisfied with herself, she goes on to pant about “most” American Muslims being stuck in a 7th century - or perhaps 10th century, depending on her mood - “time warp.” Serving as 21st century America’s doctors, teachers, engineers, shopkeepers, and plant workers, Muslims have been too busy to notice this worrisome defect.
Concluding with a few shopworn words about “moral courage” and “revolutionary ethos,” Manji polishes off her attacks on the community by invoking vague platitudes about Muslim “reform.”
This is Manji’s sole gimmick: disingenuous calls for Muslims to move forward belied by support for those pulling America backward.

What does the liberal adulation of a professional Islamophobe - one openly adored by neoconservatives, no less - say about the state of American liberalism? Will liberals come to respect and support genuine Muslim and Arab voices, like Zogby and countless unrecognized figures? Or will they continue to lazily rely on self-professed stand-ins like Irshad Manji?

If liberalism persists on its present path, it will not only alienate a targeted community in America but pave the way for further persecution.

Perfectly illustrating this point is The New York Times’ fawning characterization of  Manji as “Osama bin Laden’s worst nightmare.” This is very far from the truth.

For years, many Muslim and non-Muslim voices have said bin Laden’s ideology is a freak phenomenon, fashioned in the ghoulish laboratory of Cold War politics and fed on a steady diet of American –Israeli assaults in the Middle East. At odds with more than 1,300 years of Muslim thought and history, these voices have insisted, bin Laden is a perversion of genuine Islam.

But Manji argues the opposite: bin Laden is a genuine product of Islam, which is itself perverted. Osama, we will recall, is for Manji the new Muhammad.

In showering attention and accolades on Manji, many liberals thus validate and promote the idea that extremist Islam is Islam itself. Could bin Laden dream of a greater gift? Could the neoconservatives?

Perhaps liberals find Manji’s message appealing because ascribing extremism to some innate feature of Islam “disappears” from view the consequences of American foreign policy. Invasion and occupation disappear. Torture and abuse disappear. Corpses of slaughtered civilians and carrions of neutralized nations disappear.

The desire to own a clear conscience, even one obtained through the muddiest logic, should never be underestimated.

There may be other answers: a fear of questioning the dominant narrative; of criticizing Israel; of discovering Islamic perspectives; of engaging the Other, who is often harangued but rarely heard.

Whatever the reason, American liberals would do well to stop glorifying anti-Muslim celebrities and start building relationships with honest Arab and Muslim voices.

We are waiting.

M. Junaid Levesque-Alam blogs about America and Islam at Crossing the Crescent (http://www.crossingthecrescent.com) and writes about American Muslim identity for WireTap magazine. Co-founder of Left Hook, a youth journal that ran from Nov. 2003 to March 2006, he works as a communications coordinator for an anti-domestic violence agency in the NYC area. He can be reached at: junaidalam1 AT gmail.com

M. Junaid Levesque-Alam: The Only Good Muslim is the Anti-Muslim