Muslim Heretics Conference

Turkey, the Kurds and Islam

A religious revival

Jan 31st 2008 | ANKARA AND DIYARBAKIR
From The Economist print edition

The AK government uses Islam to win over Kurdish support

A SIGN adorned with Ataturk’s favourite adage, “Happy is he who calls himself a Turk”, hangs in Diyarbakir, south-east Turkey, as a reminder of Turkey’s decades-old policy of forcibly assimilating the region’s Kurds. The ruling Justice and Development (AK) party might prefer “Happy is he who calls himself a Muslim”.

“Uniting around our common Islamic identity is the only way to solve the Kurdish problem,” argues one AK leader. “Islam bound us in Ottoman times and during the war of independence, why not today?” Religion has become the mildly Islamist AK’s most potent weapon as it seeks to snatch control of Diyarbakir, the unofficial capital of Turkey’s estimated 14m Kurds, from the pro-Kurdish Democratic People’s Party (DTP) in next year’s local election.

In the slums of Diyarbakir sympathy for AK is growing. “They give us free coal, free school textbooks, my vote is for AK,” croaks Fatma Demirci, a shrivelled mother of nine. Generous welfare spending, plus modest reforms to satisfy the Kurds’ demands for greater freedom, helped the party to take over 50% of the vote in the mainly Kurdish provinces of Turkey in last July’s general election.

Now Turkey’s richest Islamic fraternity is helping the AK to win more Kurdish votes. Named after Fetullah Gulen, a liberal Muslim cleric who lives in self-imposed exile in America, the Gulenists distributed meat to some 60,000 families during the Muslim Feast of Sacrifice in December. Scores of Gulenist doctors are offering free check-ups and treatment in Kurdish areas. Their message is that Turks and Kurds are brothers in Islam and that nationalism, whether Turkish or Kurdish, is bad. Such Islamic fraternities (tarikats) have strong roots in the region.

Other AK actions are also burnishing the party’s image. A new government proposal to scrap restrictions on wearing the Islamic headscarf in universities has elated pious Kurds as much as it has horrified Turkish secularists. Kurds of all leanings cheered the arrest of 14 members of an ultra-nationalist gang whose leader, a retired army general called Veli Kucuk, is said by some to have plotted the extra-judicial murders of Kurdish dissidents at the height of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) insurgency in the early 1990s.

The government’s popularity seems to be surviving even the airstrikes launched in December against PKK targets in northern Iraq. A retaliatory bombing claimed by the PKK killed seven people in Diyarbakir last month, but provoked outrage and rebounded against the DTP. One reason, some say, is that it is in practice run by the captive PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan, making it hard for elected DTP politicians to disavow PKK terrorism. Polls suggest that the party’s support has slipped.

With much of their time spent in court or in jail, few DTP mayors are able to govern effectively. Diyarbakir’s mayor, Osman Baydemir, is facing 23 court cases and other investigations for such crimes as printing new-year greeting cards in Kurdish. Some mayors have been pursued for offences such as building an artificial pool “shaped like the map of Kurdistan”.

Hasim Hasimi, a moderate Kurdish politician, argues that this sort of pressure on the DTP may cause voters to return to it. Even business leaders are disquieted by the government’s attempts to dilute Kurdish nationalism. “It is foolish to imagine that the Kurds’ demands to develop their language and culture will go away,” says Mehmet Kaya, president of the Diyarbakir chamber of commerce.

On a recent visit, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the AK prime minister, dismissed calls for more Kurdish-language education and broadcasting. He argued that other minorities would agitate for similar rights. His message has reached the state-run maternity clinic. Cetin Bakir, the chief doctor, rejects suggestions that his staff might communicate better with patients if they used Kurdish. “Absolutely not,” he sniffs. Leyla Dincer, a midwife, disagrees. “What use are these?” she asks, pointing to a rack full of pamphlets on birth control. “It’s all in Turkish, nobody understands a word.”

Turkey, the Kurds and Islam: A religious revival (The Economist)

The Holy See and Islam: The diplomatic dance continues

By George Weigel

While the diplomatic maneuvering between the Holy See and Muslim leaders has taken several striking turns in recent weeks, the Vatican’s strategic purpose in this conversation has been clear since Pope Benedict XVI’s 2006 Christmas address to the Roman Curia.

There, while reflecting on his September 2006 Regensburg Lecture and his December 2006 visit to Turkey, the pope suggested that the Church’s future dialogue with Islam should focus on the positive achievements of the Enlightenment, especially religious freedom understood as a basic human right and the separation of religious and political authority in a justly governed state. Regensburg and the Curial address set off a kind of inter-religious chain reaction.

In October 2007, 138 Muslim officials from around the world issued "A Common Word Between Us and You." Addressed to the pope and other Christian leaders, the "Letter of 138" proposed a dialogue based on the two great commandments of love of God and love of neighbor.

As I wrote at the time, while the call to a deeper conversation was welcome, the "138" seemed to be trying to change the subject — for there was no mention in their letter of what the pope had proposed discussing in the December 2006 Curial address.

Last Nov. 11, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, the Holy See’s Secretary of State, wrote to one of the "138," the Jordanian prince Ghazi bin Muhammad bin Talal, accepting the call to a deepened conversation, suggesting that a representative delegation of the "138" come to Rome to meet with the pope, and proposing three topics for dialogue: "effective respect for the dignity of every human person"; "objective awareness of the other’s religion"; and "a common commitment to promoting mutual respect and acceptance among the younger generation."

In an authoritative commentary on Bertone’s letter, Father Samir Ghalil Samir, an Egyptian Jesuit and Vatican advisor on Islamic affairs, noted that the cardinal’s letter to the prince had tried to get the conversation back on the track proposed by the pope the previous December: religious freedom and the separation of religious and political authority in the state. Father Samir also noted that several signatories among the "138" had indicated that they were not much interested in discussing those topics.

Last Dec. 12, Prince Ghazi wrote to Cardinal Bertone, accepting the invitation to a meeting in Rome (which will likely take place in March). At the same time, the prince once again tried to change the subject, suggesting that the primary focus of dialogue should be the "intrinsic" questions raised by "A Common Word Between Us and You" (i.e., the two great commandments). At some future point, the prince suggested, "extrinsic" questions could be addressed.

A close reading of the prince’s letter suggests that his "extrinsic" questions are what the pope has gently but persistently insisted be the primary questions for today’s conversation: the natural moral law that can be known by reason; religious freedom, other human rights, and the natural moral law; religious freedom; civil equality between men and women; the separation of religious and political authority in the state.

There is a considerable gap here. The pope has made clear what the objectives of the dialogue should be; Benedict’s conviction is based on the Catholic Church’s 19th and 20th century experience of wrestling with the question of religious freedom and other challenges posed to religion by the modern state. The "138," as represented by the Jordanian prince, keep trying to change the subject. The exchanges are polite, but the gap is unmistakable. And the gap is not accidental.

For as I discuss in "Faith, Reason, and the War Against Jihadism" (Doubleday), it is precisely the issues the pope identified in his December 2006 Curial address that are at the root of the conflict between jihadist Islam and the rest of the world (including reformist elements within Islam). Can the gap between what the Pope proposes as a dialogue agenda and what the "138" have proposed be bridged at the March meeting in Rome? The answer to that question will be the measure of the meeting’s success.

The Holy See and Islam: The diplomatic dance continues

Malaysia Bans 11 Books on Islam

Wednesday January 30, 2008 6:16 AM

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia (AP) - Malaysia has banned 11 books for allegedly giving a false portrayal of Islam, such as by linking the religion to terrorism and the mistreatment of women, an official said Wednesday.

The government ordered the books - most of them released by U.S. publishers - to be blacklisted earlier this month “because they are not in line with what we call the Malaysian version of Islam,” said Che Din Yusoh, an official with the Internal Security Ministry’s publications control unit.

“Some of them ridicule Islam as a religion, or the facts are wrong about Islam, like associating Islam with terrorism … or saying Islam mistreats women,” he said. “Once you mention something which is not correct, it’s not proper.”

The banned books include eight English-language ones, such as “The Two Faces of Islam: Saudi Fundamentalism and its Role in Terrorism,” “Secrets of the Quran: Revealing Insights Into Islam’s Holy Book” and “Women in Islam.”

There are also three books written in the local Malay language.

It was not immediately clear whether the books have ever been on sale in Malaysia, but government authorities regularly review the contents of books and publications that could have sensitive material, mostly regarding religion and sex, Che Din said.

About 60 percent of Malaysia’s 27 million people are Muslims

Malaysia Bans 11 Books on Islam (The Guardian Unlimited)

Published: January 31, 2008

Islam and individual freedom:

Freedom is to creativity what the soul is to the body. The Koran affirms individual freedom and underscores its relevance as it pertains to our individual decisions. Even the pivotal issue of religion, namely faith versus non-belief in God, was left to individual choice: "Whosoever will, let him believe, and whosoever will, let him disbelieve." (Koran 18:29).

Thus, human behavior in Islam is subject to a person’s discretion. Disagreement between people is therefore intrinsically unavoidable and indeed expected: "And if thy Lord had willed, He verily would have made mankind one nation, yet they cease not differing; Save him on whom thy Lord hath mercy; and for that He did create them." (Koran 11:118-119).

Islam does not restrict human freedom in any way but makes human beings responsible, individually as well as collectively, for the consequences of their decisions; one must think about one’s actions and consider their ramifications. The possibility of having to deal with certain consequences may seem to limit individual freedom, but it provides a deep benefit to society as it perpetually reinforces the social adage: "A person’s freedom ends where the freedom of others begins." Were it not for this restriction, the blessing of freedom would be a curse of chaos, and individual freedom would become a nuisance to others and an infringement on their interests and choices.

But how is accountability for one’s choices enforced in the Islamic framework?

First, it is imposed through the punitive responsibility borne by an authority that handles public affairs, inclusive of the task of establishing order. Relegating responsibility to a higher authority essentially allows for the possible prevention of conflict, or its resolution should it break out. Since this disciplinary responsibility aims to preclude transgressions, it falls in line with the hadith, or saying of the Prophet Muhammad, "No harm and no damage," as well as the Koranic verse: "Lo! Allah loveth not aggressors" (Koran 2:190).

Second, Islam places a perpetual moral responsibility upon us that relates directly to our relationship with God, who will hold man accountable for his actions on the Day of Judgment. Carrying the weight of this responsibility reminds man to abide by the values of morality, which the Koran promotes by promising divine forgiveness and eternal peace in heaven, as well as maintaining punitive warnings for wrongdoers. No other being has the authority to punish or forgive. Only God, in the afterlife, judges the actions and deeds of an individual. Therefore, the individual must work on purifying his soul from earthly desires and lusts, and bettering his relationship with his Creator.

Islamic views of freedom and liberty are consistent with its divine call for man to mould his behavior and use his/her skill and art for the collective good, as well as individual bliss. Men of knowledge, science and arts enjoy a greater status in society for their ability to clarify various matters and act as the eyes and ears of society. Moreover, they have an effective role in society, and as such, their responsibility toward others becomes graver.

Poetry, writing and other forms of art are welcomed and respected in Islam so long as they do not transgress against anyone. Impinging on others would consequently trigger a punitive measure against the artist so as to preserve the moral fiber of a society against all transgressions in the name of misplaced individual freedom. No one but those with religious authority may assume an authoritative role.

Art acquires its value from the human cause it is serving. As such, the work of the innovator must support just human causes and entrench splendid and noble values. The relationship between art and man, after all, is a reciprocal one: just as man lives by art, so does art live by man. Any art that harms human ideals of truth and virtue and misrepresents society’s aspirations shall fall under the Prophet Muhammad’s dictum: "Whoever believes in God and Judgment Day shall say that which is good or shall otherwise be silent."

In the event that a creative work transgresses against another individual or is an offence punishable by law, it is the duty of the authority to summarily take action to contain the transgression, preventing any conflict from arising as a result. It not is permissible for any person to convince others or think of himself as being delegated by God to inflict punishment or to make others accountable for their deeds.

From both a spiritual and humanistic perspective, art that does not serve human causes is ultimately beneath the standards of worthwhile creativity, and is ultimately short-lived by its very nature. Attempts to forcibly prevent or eliminate such art – what some have called "art for art’s sake" – is in any case futile and one’s energies should be channeled instead toward making positive contributions to our societies and our world through whatever means we have at our disposal. Such a manifestation of our God-given freedom of expression is of the highest order.

–

Sheik Ibrahim Ramadan studied at the Lebanon Azhar Institute in Beirut, and received a Higher Certificate in Islamic Sharia and a Diploma in Comparative Jurisprudence (Fiqh) from Beirut Islamic University. This article is part of a series on freedom of expression written for the Common Ground News Service.

OP-ED: Sheik Ibrahim Ramadan (Middle East Times)

January 30, 2008

Oxford clergyman attacks Muslim plans for calls to prayer

Ruth Gledhill, Religion Correspondent

The clergyman who runs one of Oxford’s largest and most successful churches has attacked Muslim plans to begin calls to prayer from the city’s Central Mosque.

The Rev Charlie Cleverley, Rector of St Aldate’s, a thriving charismatic evangelical church in the heart of Oxford, claims non-Muslim residents will be driven away by the thrice-daily calls to prayer over the eastern part of the city.

In coming out against the proposals, Mr Cleverley, who previously worked at a church in a Muslim area of Paris, is going against the views of his own bishop.

The Bishop of Oxford, the Right Rev John Pritchard, has backed the plans, to be submitted to the city council by leaders of the mosque later this year.

Although already in use by up to 700 Muslims at a time, the mosque is still being built. Muslim leaders in Oxford want to use a loudspeaker to relay the call to prayer, or azan, so as many Muslims in Oxford can hear it as possible.

The Church of England’s only Asian bishop, the Bishop of Rochester, Dr Michael Nazir-Ali, has argued that permitting the prayer calls in Britain represents an attempt to “impose an Islamic character” on some areas.

St Aldate’s, parts of which date from the 12th century, is so successful it puts on two Sunday evening services to cope with demand. Hundreds of young Christians worship there, including students from the university and other higher education institutions in Oxford.

Mr Cleverley said the azan was “un-English” and called on senior Muslims to reconsider their planned application.

Addressing his congregation, he compared the call to prayer to the “English” sound of church bells.

“It’s to do with nuisance noise affecting the inhabitants that have to hear it,” he said. “I feel it is un-English and very different from a bell.

“When such an area is subject to such a call to prayer, it may force people to move out and encourage Muslim families to move in.

“You do risk a kind of ghettoisation of the city a few years down the line.

I hope and pray the Imam will hear the strength of feeling gently and lovingly and change his mind.”

Representatives from the mosque have repeatedly stated their wish to be able to play the muezzin’s traditional message to the Muslim faithful from speakers on a minaret.

They have maintained that they do not wish to cause divisions and that the volume will not be intrusive to neighbours.

Mr Cleverly said: “I don’t think the people of Oxford want to hear a call to prayer to Allah in the same way people don’t want someone loud in their face asking them to buy coffee.

“Bells are just a signal and have been around for 1,500 years. They are a terribly English part of our culture. There is a world of difference.

“I do not believe in the imposition of another culture on our country.”

He said that in his previous church in Parish, Muslims went to prayers without being called by a muezzin. “There was not a hint or thought for a call to prayer and the Muslims lived and worshipped very happily,” he said. “I think the French have got it right.”

Munir Chisti, the Imam at the mosque, said: “Everyone is welcome to think what they want and we welcome anybody to have their say.

“This was a suggestion that has spread like fire and caused panic in the community. We do not want that to happen.”

He also invited anyone concerned about the proposed call - two minutes per week and not three time per day - to visit the mosque to experience for themselves what all the fuss is about.

“Hopefully, watching the call to prayer will take all the panic away from the public,” he said.

“This is once a week on a Friday afternoon. I do not think it is going to cause problems for anyone.”

Oxford clergyman attacks Muslim plans for calls to prayer

Advisory group will encourage Muslim women to play bigger role in society

31/ 1/2008

Three north west women have been appointed to the National Muslim Women’s Advisory Group, which was formally launched by the Prime Minister during an Eid reception at Downing Street.

Director of Peacemaker in Oldham, Sakkina Ahmed, youth worker Samina Kauser and founding member of Lancashire based women’s organisation, Sahara, Zulekha Dala joined 16 other members of the group for the official launch in London.

The advisory group, which was set up by Communities and Local Government as part of its work to prevent violent extremism, is made up of women representing a wide spectrum of communities, professions and traditions and are in positions of leadership or are working with communities.

They will discuss issues and concerns that affect Muslim women including education, employment, access for women to mosques and their management committees and cultural barriers including issues around forced marriages.

They will meet several times a year advising on issues to empower Muslim women and increase their participation in civic, economic and social life and to also help to encourage more women to engage with individuals at risk of being targeted by violent extremists.

The advisory group will also report on the progress of existing projects, and will suggest new ways to give Muslim women a real voice and the opportunity to play a bigger role in their community.

Said Gordon Brown: "Muslim women have a huge role to play in helping us build a stronger, better society. That is why I am delighted today to mark the official launch of the National Muslim Women’s Advisory Group. From a range of different communities and traditions, and with careers including business, journalism, academia and public service, the group represents an extraordinary richness of experience and understanding.

He added: "They will be role models, showing the breadth of Muslim women’s achievements, and ambassadors for the grass roots, speaking direct to the heart of Government on vital issues such as education and employment. I wish them every success in this important work."

Communities Secretary and Salford MP Hazel Blears said: ""The group have already begun to make a difference through their involvement in the recently published case studies document for Muslim women. The projects detailed in the guide are designed to highlight some of the work being carried out in communities and encourage local authorities to consider what more they can do to help Muslim women overcome barriers to greater empowerment."

Advisory group will encourage Muslim women to play bigger role in society

Features News - Friday, February 01, 2008

Anne Lin, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Meeting Qaisra Shahraz is like greeting an old teacher, someone who has lived through much and is fired by a greater purpose in life.

Shahraz holds herself gracefully and communicates with a tender voice, evoking her role as an educator and lecturer. Not surprisingly, her various interests include promoting the value of quality education, teaching and writing.

Shahraz is in the country to talk about her latest book, Perempuan Terluka (Typhoon), the sequel to Perempuan Suci (The Holy Woman). Her mission is simple, to use her books to introduce the Muslim world to the Western world.

"One of my aims in writing The Holy Woman was to introduce the Muslim world. I was writing it when Salman Rushdie came out with The Satanic Verses. I was very angry, I was very upset, and I thought the West can never understand it; they think it is only a book, (but) you have to be Muslim to understand the pain."

"I am a writer and I love literature… so what I wanted to do with my book was open the Muslim world out and show the positive side. Through my heroine they learn about the Muslim world. That every day there is millions of us like this."

Her aspiration to become a writer developed in her early teens but Shahraz says she writes mainly to entertain and explore women’s issues.

"I always felt strongly about women’s lives, because I’m always comparing my life to other women’s lives, and I think I’m so lucky because I live in the West, I have an education, I have a career and opportunity and I want other women to have the same. I am not a Western feminist; (I am) a feminist within a Muslim framework. I must be a feminist because I feel strongly about women’s lives and women’s issues."

She is quite vocal about the fascination and arguments over the wearing of the hijab, the Muslim headscarf, and introduces a character within her book that pleads to the readers to not look upon Muslims as "freaks" but just women who like to dress modestly.

"What I am telling people in the West is to get out of their little box, don’t assess us through your box, and because that box is the Western box and that box won’t fit everybody. Some people are 100 percent covered, some are 90 percent, some are 80 percent but somehow or another covering is important.

"In Indonesia most people cover (themselves) with a scarf; in Pakistan you wear these dubatas; in Egypt, they cover their hair but not (their) legs and you go to Saudi Arabia and they cover their entire face. We should dress according to our own modesties. It is cultural modesty, fashion modesty. So every society has its own culture of dressing."

Using her role as a writer, Shahraz is on a mission to raise awareness about other cultures and build bridges. "We desperately need (to build bridges) because life can be difficult for us Muslims in the West. People say that as a writer, people listen to you so use your influence well. Luckily I can talk, I am confident, I am proud of my faith. I feel I am using that to raise awareness and above all bring the world together."

Her journey to Bali last year for the Ubud Writers and Readers Festival helped open her eyes to the vastness of the world and made her see the arrogance of the West.

"They’re full of themselves; the West thinks the whole world is about them. There are people living across the other side of the world, who also matter, who also have another faith and belief. We’ve got to learn about them just as they learn about you because we live on one planet and these days the borders are very close. I think there’s a lot of arrogance, in America and Europe, they think everything they view is right. They need to get beyond that way of thinking of arrogance," she said.

Shahraz describes herself as a British Muslim with Pakistani origins and is acutely aware of her identity. She is at ease with the different influences in her life and finds them all extremely positive.

But despite being comfortable with her identity, there are also moments when she feels displaced.

"I feel displaced when I go to southern England, it’s all white and sometimes they’ve never seen a brown face or a Muslim. The other moment, when I am going to Pakistan, I am a stranger, superficially I am there but really I am a stranger. I am not a product of that society. Mentally I don’t fit in, because it’s the way people think and behave. There’s a class society, there are big houses, cars, servants, in England we treat everybody the same. I don’t care about cars; I don’t have servants so it’s a big change."

Shahraz was eight years old when her family migrated to England. She strived to do well at school. Her philosophy and emphasis on quality education remains as strong today.

Her father was a university graduate and encouraged his children to excel academically.

"I was a bright girl, I wanted to work very hard, I wanted to please my father. I would go on my stairs and say I want to come top, I feel if you are determined and aim high you get there," she says.

Shahraz’s motivation to help other women rise above their adversities comes from a real sense of self-awareness and acknowledgement of the privileges she had growing up in the West. Shahraz recounted the time she was with a tour group driving up a mountain in Pakistan and her struggle with reality when she saw a woman living in a house on a hill.

"I hated myself. I am the pampered privileged women from the West on a holiday, sitting in a car, there’s a woman out there, who probably doesn’t even have water, has no hospital to take her baby, let alone an education, that is her life and what a hard life it is.

"We are lucky by where we are. We are unlucky by where we are. That woman was unlucky that was her little world. And that made her. I became a writer because I had all of this," she says.

"A woman who can not write her name, when she writes her name it’s like a degree to her. Because it made a difference to her life. One woman’s degree is equal to that woman writing her name for her first time. It’s about achievement, personal achievement and I think all people should have that opportunity."

The mother of three grown sons shows no signs of slowing down as she speaks excitedly about her latest project to document the way Muslim women from around the world live.

"I feel as a Muslim woman, because of migration you go through a big process. And I am sure your lives are different to your parents’ lives, so it’s interesting to document it."

Qaisra Shahraz: Unveiling Muslim women

By Paul de Bendern

ISTANBUL (Reuters) - Students may soon be allowed to wear the Muslim headscarf in Turkish universities, a watershed for a devout, growing middle class that has long complained of discrimination against its faith.

Turkey’s popular Islamist-rooted government and a nationalist opposition party agreed on a compromise this week to lift a 1989 ban on female students wearing the Islamic headscarf in higher education, a move unthinkable only a few years ago.

The amendment is expected to be approved by parliament in early February.

As recently as 1997, Turkey’s army generals, acting with public support, ousted a government they deemed too Islamist.

"Lifting the headscarf ban in universities is a big step for Turkey, even if the reform is insufficient. It will mean a lot of women who suffered from the ban will be able to study again," said Neslihan Akbulut of women’s rights group AKDER.

Turkey’s secular establishment, which includes generals, judges and university rectors, sees the headscarf as a symbol of radical Islam and a political challenge to the NATO member’s separation of state and religion. Turkey is 99 percent Muslim.

The Turkish republic was founded as a secular state by Kemal Ataturk in 1923 from the crumbling Islam-based Ottoman Empire.

Thousands of women have in the past two decades chosen not to go to university because of the ban, have studied abroad or have been expelled from their studies for wearing a garment that covers their hair as a sign of piety.

CHANGING SOCIETY

The headscarf debate goes to the very heart of Turkey’s complex identity. It is a young democracy that is struggling to balance the demands of an increasingly prosperous but pious Muslim population and a traditional urban pro-Western elite that sees Islam as backward and a threat to the status quo.

"I was expelled from university because I wore the headscarf. How can you expel someone in a country that is supposed to be democratic and whose population is Muslim?" said Yuce Yilmazoglu, 31. She is still trying to finish her law degree in Istanbul. "It undermines our democracy," she said.

The ruling AK Party has been at pains to present itself as a strictly democratic pro-Western administration. It has pursued European Union membership talks, improved rights and worked to liberalise the economy, bringing record foreign investment.

The party has long wanted to lift the ban on the headscarf, saying the issue is a matter of religious and personal freedom, but has been wary not to upset the generals.

The decision by the AK Party, which traces its roots to a banned Islamic movement, to push the reform also reflects its confidence to challenge a weakened secular old guard after the party won a sweeping re-election last July.

A majority of Turks back giving women the right to wear the headscarf in universities, according to recent opinion polls.

"I back lifting the ban because I have always been in favour of freedoms. A person over the age of consent should be able to wear what she chooses," said Bilkent University professor Erdun Ozbudun during a heated televised discussion.

CREEPING ISLAMISATION?

Many secular women are concerned that easing the ban will eventually usher in a more strict form of Islam in Turkey.

"All female students may eventually be forced to wear headscarves," said Isa Esme, deputy head of the powerful secular body overseeing higher education.

Akbulut of AKDER blamed political parties and the parts of the media for exploiting what she said were unfounded fears.

"If someone is afraid of a spider you can’t do anything, they’ll still be afraid of it, however much you try to convince them the spider is not dangerous," she said.

"Just like they have the choice not to wear the headscarf I should have the choice to follow my religious beliefs," said Akbulut, who studied abroad when universities enforced the ban.

"At present I feel I am not a citizen of my own country."

Under the new proposal, which will require constitutional amendments, only women who tie their scarf in the traditional Turkish way under the chin would be allowed into university.

The ban would continue to apply to the increasingly popular wrap-round headscarf, seen as a symbol of political Islam. Other forms of Islamic dress such as the burqa, which conceals the whole body, would remain banned.

"It is comical that a law goes into so much detail. Will we have to employ fashion designers at university gates to check students?" said Ozbudun, a constitutional law expert.

At a recent pro-headscarf rally in Istanbul, protesters called for teachers and civil servants to also be allowed to wear the Islamic scarf, pointing to further conflict ahead.

"If the ban is unjust for those going to university it is unjust for those giving services, like doctors or teachers. What will these students do when they graduate?" shouted organiser Ramazan Beyhan, who wants all headscarf restrictions lifted.

The main opposition Republican People’s Party has threatened to go to the courts to block the new amendment.

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